How magical thinking came for net zero critics - FT中文网
登录×
电子邮件/用户名
密码
记住我
请输入邮箱和密码进行绑定操作:
请输入手机号码,通过短信验证(目前仅支持中国大陆地区的手机号):
请您阅读我们的用户注册协议隐私权保护政策,点击下方按钮即视为您接受。
观点 气候变化

How magical thinking came for net zero critics

Badenoch shows the temptation of just putting all this climate unpleasantness behind us

There is a curious idea doing the rounds on the right: that climate change is real, that it is caused by human activity but that European countries cannot meaningfully shape whether the world reaches net zero and is thus able to limit warming. Adding a new fear to flying, Kemi Badenoch opted to use this heatwave week to travel to Stansted airport and criticise the Labour government’s “ideological” focus on net zero. 

What is unexpected about this line is that there is a good point in there somewhere. It may well be that despite major advances in solar and renewable energy, the world is not going to reach net zero by the 21st century’s halfway mark. It may well be that smaller countries need to accept that the battle against climate change is being lost at the moment.

It’s also true, as the OBR reiterated last week, that the costs of not reaching net zero are considerably higher than the costs of reaching it. If you think that we are going to have to spend those far larger sums anyway, then it is not unreasonable to think that we need to prioritise measures that both decarbonise and adapt for a warmer world at the same time. (For instance, the fact that the British government currently provides grants to heat pumps, so long as those pumps cannot also provide air conditioning, is perverse.) 

What these critics of net zero actually seem to envisage is not a world in which states switch from spending money on the climate transition to spending larger sums on adaptation and resilience, but one in which we and the planet agree to put all of this unpleasantness behind us and spend money on neither.

The world as viewed by Badenoch seems to be one in which the UK accepts that it cannot meet its net zero obligations, and also one in which our Victorian infrastructure, all those buildings designed for moderate temperatures, manages, through force of will or some other miracle, to hold up just fine even as the climate changes.

You can have reasonable arguments about what policy mix of adaptation and mitigation is the right one. If you choose no mitigation, then you are always chasing your own tail as the costs of climate change go up and up. But with no adaptation you are accepting more and more summers like this one, in which many people in Europe will die before their time because of excessive heat. 

When it comes to its impact on the future, climate change is the most significant of the crises facing the world: but the magical thinking surrounding it can be found almost everywhere. Take the fact that most wealthy democracies have ageing populations, with a shrinking share of working-age individuals. They also have public policy obligations, which were entered into when they were far younger countries, and from which there is no plausible political route out. Even autocracies cannot escape the need to pay pensions and while democracies can find ways to finesse what and how they pay, anyone who thinks “just cut back” is a viable option if you want to hold on to power, is kidding themselves.

Like climate change, ageing populations are something that require states to do things differently: they impose limits on what the politicians of the day can achieve and instead leave them with obligations. 

It is that feeling of chafing under unwanted obligations that makes politicians so keen to find a way out of thinking about climate change. Most people do not go into politics because they want to manage crises — instead, they resent crises because they sap the time and the energy they would rather spend focusing on the reasons they did go into politics, whatever they may be.

The reason why it is tempting to imagine that we can just declare net zero unachievable and move on is that, for many politicians, it means being able to focus on the stuff that excites them, be it social policy or economics or regulation. Similarly, ignoring the ageing population allows you to put off difficult conversations with your electorate or your party about how, exactly, you are going to provide healthcare and welfare for all of them. 

The problem is that neither the changing climate nor ageing populations will wait for politicians who would rather think about something else. They won’t proceed at a speed that meets their electorates’ desires to avoid higher taxes and/or higher immigration. Genuine realism in politics is recognising that you have to deal with the circumstances you actually face, not the ones that you want to. The truly “ideological” decision is to think that the pressures on our planet and our public finances can be deferred in favour of easier topics and smaller challenges. 

stephen.bush@ft.com

版权声明:本文版权归FT中文网所有,未经允许任何单位或个人不得转载,复制或以任何其他方式使用本文全部或部分,侵权必究。

酶研究显示量子计算向药物发现迈进一步

科学家已利用这项技术模拟蛋白质分子的行为

欢迎来到“大蛰伏”时代

为什么没有更多人辞职?

“迷因股之王”大胆收购eBay能否成功?

瑞安•科恩正试图促成一笔560亿美元的交易,将视频游戏零售商“游戏驿站”与在线市场eBay合并。

为什么施罗德家族选择出售

在家族掌门人去世与美国巨头基金崛起之后,英国最大的独立资产管理公司被出售。

公司威胁涨价,消费者将面临更多痛苦

高管警告称,若能源冲击持续,企业将面临更大压力,把成本转嫁给客户。

中国收紧对生产商竞争的监管后,太阳能电池板价格上涨

在一场令头部厂商亏损惨重的价格战之后,价格反弹或将宣告“电池价格不断走低”时代的终结。
设置字号×
最小
较小
默认
较大
最大
分享×